The comment analyses Nepal’s September 2025 Gen Z-led uprising that toppled Prime Minister K.P. Oli’s government. Triggered by a social media ban, the protests escalated into a nationwide revolt against corruption, inequality, and elite privilege. The civic group Hami Nepal, led by Sudhan Gurung, played a pivotal role. Sushila Karki has been appointed interim Prime Minister who seems to have the confidence of the Gen Z. The piece also explores regional parallels and urges India to adopt a cautious, non-interventionist approach to Nepal’s transition.
Highlights
- Ban on 26 social media platforms sparked youth-led protests.
- 19 killed, 300+ injured; widespread arson and unrest followed.
- PM Oli and multiple ministers stepped down under pressure.
- Sushila Karki’s appointed as interim PM.
- New faces have emerged in Nepalese society
- Civic movement led by Sudhan Gurung; central to protest logistics and youth mobilization.
- India advised to avoid being pro-active; wait for formal request from Nepal.
Amid a wave of political upheavals across South Asia, beginning with Sri Lanka in 2022, followed by Bangladesh in 2024, Nepal has joined the ranks of nations where mass mobilization has toppled the ruling regime. Driven by widespread allegations of corruption, nepotism, and administrative misgovernance, this popular uprising marks a decisive break in Nepal’s democratic trajectory.
The Protest
On 8 September, the protests started in Kathmandu in response to the Nepalese government’s decision to block 26 social media platforms, including Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, X (formerly Twitter), and YouTube, for failing to comply with a seven-day deadline to register with the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology.1 However, the social media ban served only as a trigger. The protest quickly evolved into a broader movement demanding government accountability for widespread corruption, growing inequality, and the worsening living conditions that have forced many citizens to migrate abroad in search of a better life. Protesters expressed anger over the stark contrast between the struggles of ordinary people and the lavish lifestyles of ruling elites (Nepo Kids), many of whom openly flaunt their wealth and assets on social media.2
The demonstrations were led by mostly young people or the so-called ‘Gen-Z’ generation. At least 19 people were killed and over 300 were injured, most as a result of police firing on the first day of the protest on 8 September. The violence intensified following the shooting and quickly spread across the country, making it one of the deadliest episodes of civil unrest in Nepal since the 2006 pro-democracy movement. In the immediate aftermath, widespread protests and incidents of arson erupted nationwide. While Kathmandu remained the epicentre, cities such as Pokhara, Rupandehi, Dang, Birgunj, Itahari, and Damak also witnessed significant violence and unrest.
Following the deaths, on 9 September, defying police-imposed curfews, enraged protesters ransacked and set fire to public institutions, historic landmarks, and private businesses across the country. Among the most significant losses were the Parliament building and Singha Durbar, the historic palace complex built in 1908 that had long served as the administrative centre of Nepal’s government, Prime Minister Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli’s private residence, along with homes of senior leaders. On 9 September, Oli was airlifted from his official residence to the Shivapuri military barracks as violence escalated.
Oli finally stepped down on 10 September, under intense public and political pressure. In his resignation letter to President Ramchandra Paudel, Oli stated: “In view of the adverse situation in the country, I have resigned effective today to facilitate the solution to the problem and to help resolve it politically in accordance with the constitution.”3 Several high-profile leaders, including Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak (first to resign), the Ministers in charge of Health, Agriculture, Water and Youth and Sports, had also resigned ahead of Oli in the wake of the escalating crisis.
What next?
Over the past three years, some countries in the extended region (i.e. Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Indonesia) have witnessed a clear pattern of youth-led protests and uprisings, often labelled as ‘apolitical.’ These movements are driven by widespread frustration over corruption and nepotism within the ruling establishments in different countries. At times, these ‘apolitical’ uprisings were seen to have been influenced or even facilitated by internal as well as external actors with vested interests. However, they often result in the creation of a political vacuum that is filled by individuals or groups with little or no prior experience in governance.
Ironically, the very objectives these movements claim to champion —such as strengthening democracy and ensuring inclusive political participation —are often undermined in the process. While these movements may succeed in toppling governments through mass mobilisation, they typically fail to offer a viable or structured alternative in the aftermath.
In the case of Nepal, the protesters have managed to force the Oli government to step down and attacked and looted political party offices and the residences of key leaders across the country. The credibility of existing political parties is at its lowest point. In this scenario, the only institution that remains intact and functional is the Nepali Army, whose Chief, General Ashok Raj Sigdel urged protesters to return to their homes and temporarily assumed de facto control of law and order until a new leadership or roadmap for the future government could be determined.
The New Faces
Subsequently, the process of selection of the new interim leader began in a novel manner. The parliament was dissolved on 12 September 2025 and there was widespread demand for transitional leadership. The protestors called for a non-partisan, integrity-driven interim government to oversee fresh elections. Finally, Sushila Karki, a former Chief Justice of Nepal (2016–2017), emerged as a consensus figure due to her reputation for judicial independence and anti-corruption rulings. In fact, Gen Z organisers conducted an online vote via Discord, which had limited participation but was perhaps indicative of the popular mood. - The vote was organized by Hami Nepal, a Gen Z-led civic group with over 160,000 members on Discord. In this poll, Karki received 3287 votes or about 49.7 per cent of the votes, ahead of other reformist candidates like Rastra Bimochan Timalsena (2021), popular YouTuber, podcaster, civic activist and Sagar Dhakal (1098), Oxford-educated engineer and fought as an independent candidate in the last election against Sher Bahadur Deuba. Her selection was endorsed by protest leaders and negotiated with the Nepali Army, which sought a stabilizing figure and on 12 September, President Ram Chandra Paudel formally appointed Karki as interim Prime Minister. She was sworn in the same evening at Sheetal Niwas, becoming Nepal’s first female head of government.
It is also important to note the rest of the personalities being considered for taking leadership at this difficult moment in Nepal. They were: Harka Sampang, Mayor of Dharan, populist reformer and Mahabir Pun, Educator, founder of National Innovation Centre. The names of two other prominent actors which was discussed during the crisis were: Balen Shah and Sudhan Gurung. Balen Shah, rapper-turned-politician, elected mayor of Kathmandu in 2022 and widely admired by youth for his anti-establishment stance and urban reforms, was approached by Gen Z leaders to lead the interim government, but did not respond to calls during the crisis. He endorsed Sushila Karki as interim prime minister, helping consolidate support for her appointment. Sudhan Gurung is the president of Hami Nepal, a youth-led NGO turned civic movement. He became the face of the Gen Z uprising, widely believed to be organising protests and coordinating logistics. Known for his personal tragedy during the 2015 earthquake, which catalysed his activism, his organisation has won popular acclaim for selfless service. Though not a candidate in the Discord vote, he played a strategic role in mobilisation and negotiations with the Nepali Army.
The Case of ‘Hami Nepal’
Hami Nepal, meaning ‘We are Nepal’, the organisation set up by Sudhan Gurung, which is much in the news after the protests, for having midwifed such a public movement, operates under the slogan: “For the People, By the People”. It was founded by Gurung after the 2015 earthquake, and began as a disaster relief group, mobilising volunteers and distributing aid. However, it has grown into a civic powerhouse, organising protests, policy dialogues, and youth mobilisation campaigns. Gurung is known for being politically independent, committed to transparency, and focused on youth empowerment. His movement has been supported by high-profile figures like Dr. Sanduk Ruit, a renowned ophthalmologist and co-founder of the Tilganga Institute of Ophthalmology, a Padma Shri and Magsaysay awardee, Manita Devkota (Miss Universe Nepal 2018), and artists like Priyanka Karki and Abhaya Subba. The success of Gurung and Hami Nepal in shaping opinion of the youth in Nepal is indicative of a potential non-ideological shift in Nepal’s civic landscape—where youth, grief, and digital activism converge to challenge entrenched power. The protests aimed at not merely overthrow of the system they felt was not responsive to their needs and smacked of self-serving oligarchy, it was also a clear message to reimagine politics and governance and change the way the state is being run so far.
As Nepal’s first female prime minister, chosen to lead the country out of the political crisis, occasioned by the Gen Z revolt, Sushila Karki has a critical role to play. She has an onerous task ahead: stabilise the country, rebuild public trust in governance, push for inclusive systemic change, including better representation of women and marginalized communities in politics, and prepare Nepal for the next elections, which is supposed to take place in March 2026. As Nepal’s first female chief justice, Karki is known for her bold anti-corruption rulings and defiance against political pressure, which has earned her deep respect.
How should India take it?
For India, the current situation in Nepal is a matter of serious concern. Given the open border and the deep cultural and trade ties between the two countries, the crisis will have both direct and indirect impact, spanning short-term disruptions and long-term strategic shifts in Nepal’s foreign policy outlook. The power vacuum created by the uprising could be exploited by hostile elements fuelled by anti-India rhetoric. Historically, India’s relationship with successive governments in Nepal, regardless of the ruling party, has remained largely stable, with only occasional tensions over specific issues.
In this context, it would serve India well to ignore prevailing rumours about any external hand behind the Gen Z protests in Nepal as well as similar protests in other countries. The fact remains that the countries visited by such popular uprisings did have legitimate reasons for such upheavals: non-responsive governance, authoritarian rule, domination of partisan and self-seeking elite and deep frustration over dysfunctional statecraft. Rather than looking for such connection, it is wiser to stay prepared to positively contribute to the transformation and help stabilise the systems in neighbouring countries. A secure and stable neighbourhood is of utmost importance for India, and it should not be seen to be dissipating its energy in trying to fix blames on one external agency or another for the change.
At this stage, India should refrain from offering any form of assistance to help restore stability. Doing so prematurely could be misrepresented by anti-India factions in Nepal as interference in the country’s internal political transition, potentially damaging India’s image and credibility. Instead, India should wait for the situation to stabilise and for Nepal’s interim government to officially request for assistance. Only then should India step in to support the restoration of democracy and the country’s economic recovery.
Dr. Afroz Khan is an independent analyst, currently working in a project at Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (MP-IDSA), New Delhi. The views expressed are his own.
Notes
[1] Times of India, “Nepal bans Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp and 23 other social media platforms, here’s why”, 9 September 2025.
[2] Vinaya Deshpande Pandit, “Nepal protests: It’s Gen Z vs ‘nepo kids’ “The Hindu, 11 September 2025.
[3] Charlotte Scarr, “Nepal parliament set on fire after PM resigns over anti-corruption protests”, BBC, 9 September 2025.
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